Monday, November 1, 2021

No substitute to being honest with the self

Look at this title: “Wars like Vietnam, Afghanistan bound to fail without congressional sign-off,” what does it imply? It implies that any war can be won if the Congress agrees to pursue it. But the reality is that winning or losing a war has nothing to do with who agrees with it and who does not. It has to do with the justification to launch the war in the first place, and the force that is brought to bear against the foe.

 

That happens to be the title of an article which also came with the subtitle: “Framers knew nations can win only when they fully commit.” This part promises that when the Congress agrees, it signals the nation’s willingness to win the war, thus makes it possible to fully mobilize the necessary resources and commit them toward the war effort.

 

Michael McKenna wrote that article, and had it published on October 25, 2021 in The Washington Times. His intent for making the assertions that he did, is reflected in the subtitle. In dragging the framers of the Constitution into the discussion, he tried to strengthen what he knew was a weak argument. But in so doing, he inadvertently made the “forever wars” an acceptable condition for America to be in. Whereas his intention is a noble one as shown throughout the rest of the article, his approach gives ammunition for the warmongers who wish to push America into a perpetual war.

 

This is what we must conclude about McKenna’s article, given that he took the slant that he did instead of taking the logical approach, which would have been to enumerate the reasons that justify starting a war, and discuss those reasons in detail. Unfortunately, what the author did instead was to argue for why the Congress and the President should split the responsibility for declaring a war, and for conducting it. Here, in condensed form, is what McKenna wrote:

 

“The framers understood that a nation can only win wars to which the citizens commit. The framers separated the powers to wage wars between Congress and the president. They also knew that councils of wars are breeding grounds of timidity. To win wars required placing the execution of war in the hands of the president. They understood that war is the enemy of liberty. They had a fear of the dangers of a standing army. Unfortunately, members of Congress have been accomplices of a president of their party rather than guardians of the authorities of Congress. Presidents have launched us into wars without the required clarity. When one man can send an entire nation to war for reasons and with goals that are unclear, it is a recipe for disaster. Things as nebulous as a war on terror or a war of containment are bound to fail. Wars like Vietnam or Afghanistan can’t be won”.

 

It is obvious from this montage of excerpts that the author was preoccupied with how to win a war more than he tried to advise on how to recognize the justness and legitimacy of a war; or how to avoid getting drawn into one in the first place.

 

To see how an article can be written when the intent is to advise on the futility of getting into wars, or the foolishness of adopting a posture that might invite war, we turn to the article that came under the title: “Biden Wants to Stay in Syria—But Withdrawal Is Overdue,” and the subtitle: “The sober reality is that keeping even a token deployment of US troops in Syria endangers American lives, doing more to risk dragging the United States into conflicts prudent leaders should seek to avoid.” It was written by Michael Hall, and published on October 31, 2021 in The National Interest.

 

Here, in condensed form, is what Michael Hall had to say:

 

“The administration is providing assurances there will be no US withdrawal from Syria, where Americans are involved in a ‘relentless war.’ These promises represent a strategic blunder. The defense of the Kurds seems to be one factor behind the decision. Instead of utilizing US troops to protect Syria’s Kurds, it would be more prudent to end US military involvement in Syria. It’s true that Kurdish fighters fought alongside US troops in ridding ISIS of territory. But the US taking kinetic action in defense of the Kurds is out of the question. Denying ISIS territory was a limited mission for which military force was the right tool. Protecting Syria’s Kurds, however, requires a constant supply of resources and manpower, and lays out no victory conditions which can be met. Bluntly put, Syria is not a prize for the US to covet. It is possible to encourage Kurdish leaders to make arrangements for protection without expecting US forces to stick around forever. The best option is to withdraw from Syria, acknowledging that when the mission has diverged from legitimate security interests, it’s time to relent”.

 

The unmistakable message here is that lending American protection to a group, can have the opposite effect to what’s intended. As demonstrated by the Kurds who made a deal with the government of Syria when they knew that America will not come to their rescue, the best posture that America should take from here on, is to advise those who seek help to negotiate with their neighbors.

 

And so, whether it is the Kurds or Israel or anyone else, America must relieve itself of the burden of protecting others, or arming them or financing them. They will not do war if they don’t have the means to do war.

 

America has the power to achieve a permanent peace by being honest with itself and withholding the help it offers to others.